Houthi Rebels: Origins & Warfare
- Sylvia Rose
- Mar 26
- 6 min read
Updated: Mar 28
The Houthi rebels, Ansar Allah ("Supporters of God"), are a Zaydi Shia movement from northern Yemen. A powerful force in the Yemeni civil war, they make headlines by blockading the Red Sea to protest Israeli attacks on Gaza.
Origins & Mandate
The Houthi movement goes back to the early 1990s. Founded by Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi, a prominent Zaidi cleric, It emerges as a cultural and religious revival among the Zaydi Shia community in Yemen's Saada province.
The movement initially focuses on promoting Zaidi identity, marginalized by the government under President Ali Abdullah Saleh. The movement hopes to preserve Zaydi identity and address socio-economic grievances.
By 2004 the Houthis change from a cultural group to an armed resistance. They accuse the Yemeni government of neglecting their needs and favoring Sunni factions.
Conflict
The subsequent Saada Wars are six rounds of fierce fighting between the government and the Houthis. This increases Houthi political influence.
Their grievances include government corruption and foreign influence.
They accuse the Saleh government of being subservient to Western powers and Saudi Arabia. The Houthi advocate for a more just and equitable society based on Islamic principles.
Their motto, "God is great, death to America, death to Israel, a curse upon the Jews, victory to Islam," encapsulates their anti-Western and anti-Israeli stance. They position themselves as defenders of Yemeni sovereignty.
Popular Support
Their rhetoric resonates with Yemenis who have faced such problems as such as an ongoing blockade and military aggressions. 80% of the population relies on humanitarian aid.
Support is especially high in rural areas. Many residents perceive the Houthis as protectors against external threats like the Saudi-led coalition. They're opposed by Sunni residents.
The coalition forms in March 2015. Saudi Arabia, leading nine countries from W. Asia and N. Africa, launches a military intervention at request of Yemeni president Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi after he's ousted from Sana'a.
Organization
The Houthis have a centralized and hierarchical structure. At the top sits the Supreme Political Council, the de facto governing body in Houthi-controlled areas.
It's overseen by Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, who sets the strategic agenda. Below him, various military and civilian branches manage governance, military campaigns, and social services.
Underneath is a network of committees responsible for governance in military affairs, finance and propaganda. The movement's strong leaders often comes from the al-Houthi family, who enjoy great influence and respect among followers.
The operational structure is flexible. The Houthis adapt and decentralize operations when necessary, especially under intense military pressure.
The Houthis have implemented local governance systems in the regions they control, providing services like education and healthcare. This approach has enabled them to fill the void left by state institutions.
Funding & Weapons
Houthi funding sources are diverse and often opaque. They get strong support from Iran, who also finances Hamas in Gaza.
Houthis otherwise generate revenue through taxation, control over economic resources like oil, and donations from sympathizers in Yemen and abroad. They get at least $700 million annually from external backers
The Houthi arsenal is a mix of weapons. They're acquired in various ways, such as seized from the Yemeni military, procured through black market channels, and supplied by Iran.
Weapons include assault rifles, rocket-propelled grenades, anti-tank missiles, and increasingly sophisticated drones and ballistic missiles. The latter are a direct threat to Saudi Arabia and other regional targets.
The relationship between Saudi and Iran is complex. While both members of OPEC, they back separate factions, turning the Yemeni crisis into a proxy war. Saudi supports US and Israel, all labeling Houthis as terrorists.
Popularity in Yemen
The Houthis have strong support in the Zaidi Shia-dominated areas of northern Yemen. Their appeal comes from a combination of factors, including:
Shared religious identity: A strong connection to the Zaidi Shia faith and a perceived threat to its cultural and religious traditions.
Grievances against the government: Frustration with corruption, economic inequality, and marginalization.
Effective governance in controlled areas: Providing basic services and maintaining order in areas under their control, often in contrast to the ineffectiveness of the central government. Their provision of social services like education and healthcare reinforces their legitimacy among local populations.
Anti-Western and anti-Saudi sentiment: Resonating with those who resent foreign interference in Yemeni affairs.
Yemenis in Sunni-dominated areas tend to view Houthis as authoritarian forces seeking to impose their own agenda through violence and intimidation. The Sunni oppose Houthi affiliations with Iran.
Typical Members
The Houthis draw their members from a diverse range of backgrounds, primarily from the Zaidi Shia community.
Age: A mix of young recruits, adolescents and experienced fighters.
Gender: Fighters are mainly male; women take supportive roles in logistics, education and medical care.
Economic Background: Generally from lower and middle-class backgrounds, often drawn from rural areas where poverty and unemployment are prevalent.
Many combatants have reported joining due to a lack of local job prospects. This socio-economic backdrop motivates many to see the Houthis as advocates for their cause, trying to improve living conditions.
The Red Sea Crisis
The Red Sea crisis starts Oct 19, 2023, when the Houthi fired missiles and armed drones at Israel. They demand a halt to the Gaza Strip invasion. It doesn't happen.
The Houthis capture and aerially attack numerous merchant and naval ships in the Red Sea, bringing massive air strikes against them. The crisis is linked to the Gaza war, the Iran-Israel proxy conflict, the Iran-US proxy conflict and the Yemeni crisis.
2025 Situation & US Airstrikes
In March 2025 Israel launches airstrikes on the Gaza Strip, killing many civilians, including children and two reporters, one from Al Jazeera news. Strikes decimate a Red Cross center, hospital and refugee camps. These acts are considered war crimes.
Tensions erupt in Israel with the threatened removal of government opposition member Ronen Bar, and the continued airstrikes on civilians. Thousands of angry Israeli protesters take to the streets to condemn the government.
The Houthis attack US warships in the Red Sea and send drone blasts to military sites in Israel. They assert their actions are a direct response to US support for worsening Israeli attacks on Gaza.
In return, by March 26 2025 at least 17 airstrikes rip through civilian populations in Saada and Amran, Houthi territories in North Yemen.
The strikes come from the US, backing strategic partners Saudi and Israel.
They inflame tensions already heightened by prolonged conflict. US involvement creates a major escalation. Israel ramps up its actions, attacking hospitals, a Red Cross center, refugee camps and emergency food lines in Gaza.
US president Biden in 2024 is ineffective against the Houthis. In 2025 the new president is much more aggressive and self-aggrandizing. Attacks are used as a show of US war power to intimidate or impress other countries.
Consequences of the US Airstrikes
Wider Regional Conflict: The targeting of US warships and alleged attacks on Israel raise the potential for broader regional conflict.
Humanitarian Crisis: Airstrikes in Yemen further worsen the already dire humanitarian situation. The country has been ravaged by years of civil war.
Increased Anti-American Sentiment: The alleged US airstrikes fuel anti-American sentiment in the region and supporters, potentially cycling into further attacks on US interests and personnel.
Disruption to International Trade: Continued instability in the Red Sea disrupts international trade, including oil tankers coming from the rigs.
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